"The missionaries played an integral part in the transition of the Northwest from nomadic fur trading economy to settled agricultural economy" (p. 19). "In 1822 ... [t]he CMS became the dominant evangelical force working among the Indians of the Northwest" (p. 20). "In December 1850 Henry Budd was ordained priest. This marked the beginning of a native Anglican ministry not only in Rupert's Land but on the North American continent. In 1853 the Reverend James Settee, the second native Indian was ordained. .... Each of these men was a product of [the Reverend John] West's schools system and the appropriate theological school as designated by the Bishop" (p. 25). "There were no clear cut 'Indian' and 'white' periods of missionary work. In the half-century following 1820 the accent was on missions to Indians but much time and effort went into 'servicing' the whites at the Company's posts. After 1870, interest, planning, and effort were directed increasingly to the place of Indians in the nascent agricultural society, the work of the churches on reserves, and the role of the church among the new immigrants" (p. 28). "The most important direct contribution made by the missionaries was the introduction of education and of agricultural practices. The tragedy is that so little time and effort went to strengthen the Indian heritage, and to aiding the Indian to adapt to new conditions" (p. 29). "[T]he CMS, indeed the Anglican effort as a whole, did more than set up schools and hospitals. It helped develop an understanding of Indian languages. .... The CMS developed a policy calling for the establishment of independent, self-supporting native churches headed by native leaders. When Bishop [David] Anderson left the Northwest in 1864 there were eight Indian and mixed-blood ordinands out of a total of twenty. There was an even longer list of native catechists and school teachers. The tradition of Indian leaders in Anglican communities was well established" (p. 30).
"During the first weekend of April  on Opaskwayak Cree Nation (OCN), Anglicans and others from across the country gathered to celebrate the 175th anniversary of the Devon Mission. A colourful procession of Cree dancers, led by a crucifer and a pole covered with eagle feathers, marked the importance of the area as a gathering place for Cree and settler people alike. In many ways, the land -- now divided between the town of The Pas and OCN -- exemplifies the breadth of Indigenous-settler relations in Canada". Henry Budd, a young Cree convert, returned to his home in the north in 1840 "to open the mission, where he spent his life teaching the gospel to his people in their native Cree. In 1853, the first bishop of Rupert's Land, David Anderson, ordained Henry Budd, making him the first Indigenous cleric in what is now Canada. The Henry Budd College for Ministry, opened in his honour in 1980, trains Indigenous catechists and spiritual leaders to this day". "For some, the celebration of Indigenous expressions of Christianity marked a return to the days of their ancestors, when the gospel was expressed through Cree culture and language". "National Indigenous Anglican Bishop Mark MacDonald affirmed a sense of hope for the future. 'We do not have two cultures', he said. 'We are Indigenous Christians'".
Author is "chaplain at St. John's College, Winnipeg, and editor of 'Rupert's Land News'".
"It is now generally accepted that the study of church history should be undertaken within the context of contemporary social, economic, and political structures. This paper will offer some observations on the social and theological background of the early 19th-century missionary effort in Rupert's Land" (p. ). "The Church Missionary Society (CMS) was founded inn 1799 to provide the spark which Anglican missionary attitudes so badly needed. It was, according to John Venn one of its founders, to be based on the 'Church-principle' but not the 'High Church-principle'" (p. 61). "The CMS paid little regard to bishops. They were not seen as successors of the apostles, but as slightly superior and often troublesome servants of the Society" (P. 63). "The selection process for prospective missionaries left much to be desired. .... Those who came as missionary candidates tended to bring presuppositions with them. One was the cultural imperialism already mentioned; with it came the tacit assumption of superiority" (p. 64). CMS missionaries "tended to regard the natives as wayward children to be brought up in the fear and nurture of the Lord. With significant exceptions they ignored aboriginal culture and assumed that evangelization included assimilation and acculturation. In some instances the wives seem to have been worse than missionaries" (p. 65). "There were also the 'country-born' missionaries of mixed blood like Robert McDonald and Thomas Vincent who had a foot in both camps. .... The pay and allowances of these country-born missionaries were lower than those for missionaries from the British Isles, a circumstance which did not go unnoticed by the former" (p. 68). "From the beginning education had played a major role in the missionary activity. This was undertaken so that the converts might be able to read the scriptures for themselves, and also so that some of their number might be trained as catechists and missionaries" (p. 70). "In spite of its great achievements the great handicap of the Evangelical approach as adopted by the CMS and most of its agents was that it tended to be negative in character. This was in part due to the lack of education of most of its agents and a consequent narrowness of vision. .... It was against Rome, against new knowledge of the Bible, against what it called 'desecration of the Sabbath', and unappreciative (to say the least) of the place of the sacraments in the life of the catholic community so obvious in the New Testament and which the 20th-century church is seeking to recover" (p. 73).
"Edmund James Peck died September 10, 1924 in Ottawa at the age of 74. At the end of his forty-three years of missionary work he had realized several dreams. He had lived among the Eskimo, winning their respect and love as 'the Speaker'; he had translated the Book of Common Prayer, hymns, Genesis, Psalms, the New Testament, and seen them all through the press; he had published his 'Eskimo Grammar', compiled the manuscript for his 'Eskimo-English Dictionary'; evangelized the Eskimo and in the process given them literacy. I would conclude with a brief sentence from a letter written by Bishop Horden to the CMS [Church Missionary Society] in September 1877, only one year after Peck's arrival in Canada. 'I thank the Committee for a man: I thank them doubly for the man: a better selection could not have been made' (p. 65)".
"Christian missions to Indians have received considerable attention from scholars over the last three decades. .... This modern scholarship has enabled students to discover precise data about the nature of the Indian-missionary experience, but it has also produced new insights into the ways such history ought to be done. A variety of analytical frameworks has emerged as a result of these insights, causing the growth of different perceptions of the native role in the missionary experience. Our understanding of Indian-missionary relations has thus begun to change profoundly. Much of this changed understanding has taken place within the confines of the emerging discipline of ethnohistory. .... Ethnohistory is concerned with cultural interchange over time: as a result, it is the place where history, anthropology and sociology, among others, can be said to meet. .... This paper ... is meant as an initial exploration of what seems to be a promising field, missions to Indians in southwestern Ontario in the nineteenth century. This initial probe will briefly examine the nature of the native population, the development of missionary endeavours and the state of the literature on the subject before venturing into some tentative conclusions" (p. 50-51). "Scholars wishing to study the ethnohistory of missions in southwestern Ontario can do several things to raise the overall quality of work in the field. First -- and perhaps most obviously -- sources should be used more effectively. The Provincial Archives of Ontario in Toronto, the Public Archives of Canada in Ottawa and the various denominational collections, such as those of the Anglican and United Churches, contain a wealth of material relating to missions. .... Second, the conceptual frameworks within which ethnohistorical studies are constructed should be critically examined. .... Third, and perhaps most importantly, researchers have to view native peoples as active participants in the Indian-church relationships and in the missionary experience" (pp. 55-56).
Text of "a speech given by the Most Reverend Michael Peers, Primate of the Anglican Church of Canada, at St. John's College, Winnipeg, on 2 February 2001." -- Note from the Editor, p. .
"The incarnation, death and resurrection of Jesus makes a difference for all. That we have a mission, that we are sent to make known, live out and share the good news of Jesus Christ with other has never been the question. The questions of mission have always had to do with our assumptions, our strategies, our methods, our attitudes. We have pretty much had clarity about the why and when -- even the where of mission. It is the how of mission that presses us. Mission 'happens' in particular cultures, in societies that have languages, stories, symbols, music, drama, art, social structures. As well, those who engage in mission, come robed in all the clothes of the culture in which they have been raised. The good news is never unadorned, it is never free of cultural baggage. I have been asked to reflect on the record of mission of the Anglican Church in this country -- especially among indigenous peoples. .... What I have decided to do is to suggest some of the themes that have emerged in our history, and to hint at some of the directions for our travel forward as a church. .... This talk will tend to be anecdotal, as I believe there are significant learnings to be made from the experience of our predecessors. I want to relate a little of the stories of two persons who ministered in different regions of the western Canada. The first is John West, who mission work 180 years ago is intimately bound up in the history of the Diocese of Rupert's Land and this College and University. The other is probably less well-known: John Booth Good, a missionary among the Thompson people in Lytton, British Columbia, some 40 or 50 years after West" (p. -58).
"Education was for [John West] primarily, but not only, the teaching of the Christian faith, and humanitarian service were the twin purposes of his work. West engaged in them with conviction and fervour. John West was very much a man of his time, unquestioning of the supremacy of British culture. .... Where he differs, and this was true of most missionaries, is that he did not consider aboriginal persons to be inferior. Nor did he accept any kind of stance that would make indigenous peoples subservient. Racism was a feature of the colonial mentality, but most church leaders, and certainly most missionaries, laboured hard against it" (p. 61). "Both John West and John Good were dedicated to the task of evangelism and teaching. .... Good, perhaps more than West, was open to learn from aboriginal culture and was more willing to see Christian faith incarnated in that culture. But he received little support from his church, save in the area of translation" (p. 65-66).
"In 'Many Gifts, One Spirit' the report of ACC 7, the following comment is made: 'The interaction of the Church in one cultural form with another culture should bring about a change in outlook and style for both cultures"" (p. 67). "The present moment affords an opportunity for non-native Anglicans and aboriginal Anglicans, to find a new way into mission together. Like the Christians of Antioch and Jerusalem [as described in Acts], we are in a place that calls for us to be humble, discerning, listening and willing to risk something new for the sake of the gospel" (p. 69). In April 1994 Anglican indigenous peoples drew up a reflection entitled "Our Journey of Spiritual Renewal" which ended with a decision to "'claim our place and responsibility as equal partners in a new and shared journey of healing moving towards wholeness and justice'. The pledge to do this is called 'A Covenant', And e who are non-indigenous Anglicans are invited 'to covenant' in this 'vision of a new and enriched journey'. The invitation is put this way: 'To this end, we extend the hand of partnership to all those who will help us build a truly Indigenous Church in Canada'. I think that this is different from 'Come over and help us' [the motto of the New England Company]. This is 'come and be with us', or better, 'Come and stand with us'" (p. 69-70). "Partnership is at the heart of this vision. We are being asked to be part of the circle, but not to dominate. We are not being asked to say nothing, but I think we are being invited into a partnership in which our silence and discernment are at least as important as our speaking. Our culture does not sit easy with that, but perhaps this is one of the ways we are being changed" (p. 70).
Speech/article divided into sections: Introduction -- Mission and Colonialism -- John West -- John Booth Good -- Some Learnings -- Antioch and Jerusalem -- Covenant -- Conclusion.
"I have the impression, though, that [Henry Budd] the man himself was a very private person. And I offer this paper as a contribution to our understanding of him and of his personal journey. I invite you to join me in an approach to his experience. This will mean first of all thinking of him not as Henry Budd but as Sakacewescam and trying to imagine him as a Muskaigo boy. I ask you, secondly, to put in brackets your misgivings about the psychohistorical method. This will mean trying to be hopeful that my use of psychohistorical findings, and clinical aspects will further our understanding of this very elusive subject. It will also mean trying to curb your appetites for fullness of background while I focus, rather relentlessly, on the experience of Henry Budd-Sakacewescam and that which shaped or impinged upon it" (p. -22).
Article divided into sections: 1. Sakacewescam (Henry Budd) -- 2. Henry Budd (Sakacewescam) -- 3. Going-up-the-hill -- Notes.
"An incessant search for identity has been a persistent theme in the writing of Canadian history. In the late nineteenth century, Canadian religious communities were at the forefront of any attempt to define the character of the nation and its people. The Anglican Church, however, has been singled out as a denomination that has tenaciously held to old traditions, and has thus often been portrayed as an 'anti-national' force in Canadian development, In this paper I will reject the portrayal of Anglicans as anti-national by examining the ideology of the Montreal Diocesan Theological College, the primary supplier of Anglican clergy in Montreal. By exploring the contents of the College's main publication, 'The Montreal Diocesan Theological College Magazine', I hope to demonstrate that the College community, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, firmly believed in their College's ability to play a prominent role in the future of Canada, and in Canada's destiny to achieve greatness within the British Empire. The pages of the 'Magazine' reveal that, as the College community was striving to develop an identity based on an attachment to Canadian imperialism and love for their own educational institution, their pride fueled, at the end of the nineteenth century, a missionary spirit that engulfed the College community. Missionary work, I will argue, affirmed for them both the moral legitimacy of the Montreal Diocesan Theological College and the hegemony of the British-Canadian nationality" (p. -6).
"In the minds of most Canadians, imperialism was a form of Canadian nationalism as they hoped, by sharing the responsibilities of the Empire to gain a greater role in shaping imperial policies in Canada's favour" (p. 19). "Perhaps the greatest demonstration of the imperialist sentiment was the College's unconditional endorsement of the Boer War. .... At the Diocesan Synod of 1900, the Bishop's 'spirited allusions to the war in South Africa were greeted with loud and reiterated applause, and at its close the members stood and sang the national anthem'" (p. 23). "Although Anglicans, through the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel and the Church Missionary Society, and College students, through the College Missionary Society, were involved in mission activity in all parts of the world, missionary work in the Canadian north inspired a special sense of purpose and destiny among the students. Their enthusiasm for northern missionary work represented in their minds, the desire and ability to build a nation" (p. 25). "[I]n February of 1894, the 'Magazine' reported that the College adopted a crest and a motto that reflected its missionary spirit. Their new motto, 'predica Verbum -- Preach the World [sic]' serves as a lasting testament to the priority that they attached to their missionary activity" (p. 28). "The obvious spirit based on the perceived divine destiny of the College was exemplified by the excitement that surrounded the work of Richard Faries, the first graduate of the Montreal Diocesan Theological College to preach 'among the wild men of the North West Forests'" (p. 32).
Article divided into sections: The Montreal Diocesan Theological College -- Imperialism -- Missionary Outreach.
This essay was the winner of the first Millman Prize Essay Award and was completed while the author "was at McGill as a visiting student" (p. ).
A survey of the complex processes of mission and conversion among the North Baffin Inuit focusing on the period from 1929 until 1947 and the death of Canon John Turner. "This article does not attempt to articulate the 'Inuit voice' in the discussion except in so far as that voice appears within the remarkable religious movements that have taken place" (p. ). In addition to the conflict between Anglican and Roman Catholic (primarily Oblates of Mary Immaculate) missionaries, there were "significant tensions between the missionaries (especially the Anglicans) and members of the other white institutions in Pond Inlet: the HBC [Hudson Bay Company] and the RCMP [Royal Canadian Mounted Police] detachment. For the most part the missionaries tended to avoid each other" (p. 40). "The objective for both the Anglican and the Catholic missionaries became to consolidate their work and extend their sphere of influence into new areas. The Catholic missionaries had a small established congregation in Igloolik but had been largely excluded from influence in both Pond Inlet and Arctic Bay. The Anglicans faced the problem of trying to distribute their resources over an increasingly large area, and an increasingly committed Inuit population" (p. 46). After the accidental death of Canon John Turner in 1947, the "Anglicans entrenched their work in Pond Inlet and made Arctic Bay (Moffet Inlet), Fort Ross and Igloolik outstations. This meant that Arctic Bay was visited two to four times a year by an Anglican missionary for the next 33 years. The church was left to the care of local catechists who had to struggle to make sense out of the debris from the prophet movement and Turner's sudden death. The Catholic Church concentrated its efforts in Igloolik, maintained a priest in Pond Inlet and visited the outstations. The hostility did not end between the Anglicans and the Catholics" (p. 47). "The opening years of Christian missions in North Baffin Island reflect the complex processes of cross-cultural communication and conversion. The aggressive competition between the Anglicans and Roman Catholics added a further level of confusion to the process: (p. 47-48).
Article includes map (p. 32) and is divided into sections: Early Missions in Baffin Island -- Establishing the Missions in North Baffin Island -- Interdenominational and Inter-institutional Tensions -- Expansion Outward from Pond Inlet -- Consolidation and Conflict with Inuit -- Conclusion -- Notes.